Turning Points In a Soldiers Life free essay sample

An assessment of Timothy Findleys verifiable novel 'The Wars.' This paper inspects the authentic fiction novel 'The Wars' by Timothy Findley, which depends on gathered letters and journals from fighters in the channels of World War I. This paper follows the fundamental character, Robert Ross, through his excursion as a warrior. It looks at four defining moments throughout his life and how they changed his mentalities, points of view and perspectives. 'What we are is the total of our encounters. It very well may be said that our lives are a lot of defining moments. These defining moments are what shape and forms us into what we are to turn into. These tuning focuses are the occasions that we recall and think about the most. A few people groups lives are molded by one second, which flips around their reality after which, they are never the equivalent. A few people groups lives have many defining moments that all indicate shape the individual. We will compose a custom paper test on Defining moments In a Soldiers Life or on the other hand any comparable point explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page Defining moments can be major or minor occasions, what makes it a defining moment is that the individual is changed by it.'

Viola In 12 Night Essays - Theatre, Twelfth Night, Entertainment

Viola In 12 Night THE CHANGING ROLE IN VIOLA/CESARIO IN THE TWELFTH NIGHT In Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, it is unmistakably apparent that the variance in disposition to the double job and circumstance and tribulations forced upon the character of Viola/Cesario winds up in a superior comprehension of both genders, and in this way, permits Viola to have a superior comprehension for Orsino. Close to the opening of the play, when Viola is embracing her male personality, she makes another self, similar to two veils and may choose to wear either while swinging between the two characters in feeling and in character. She chooses to take on this personality since she has more opportunity in the public eye in her Cesario cover, which is obvious when she is promptly acknowledged by Orsino, while, in her female character she would not be. Consequently, a standard job in the public arena and to the viewpoints of others is depicted. Orsino sees Cesario, as a youthful assistant simply beginning on the planet, much such as himself as a youthful, nimble chap, so he tends to be additionally ready to empty onto her with his difficulties and distresses, looking for a friend with which to share and to instruct. Along these lines, Viola develops in her male camouflage to improve feeling for his internal identity, not the self that he shows to people in general, or would uncover and impart to Viola in her actual female self, yet rather his mystery self, as he accepts he imparts to a friend. In this way, she develops to adore him. Be that as it may, Orsino's inspiration is really not love for Viola, yet rather he is by all accounts in affection with adoration itself. His whole world is loaded up with affection however he realizes that there may be a defining moment for him, similar to when he says: If music be the food of adoration, play on; give me overabundance of it, that, satiating, the hunger may sicken, thus pass on. 1. (I,I,I-III) This statement shows that he realizes that he is so up to speed in adoration, that he trusts his craving for affection may stew when he takes beyond what he can deal with. 1. Shakespeare, William. Twelfth Night. Longman's Canada Limited, Don Mills, Ontario, 1961. Every single ensuing statement are from this release. Close to the finish of the play, when all stunts and injustices are uncovered and all veils are lifted, Orsino begins to look all starry eyed at Viola. He initially pardons her/him of her/his obligation to him, the ace; at that point says that she will presently be her lord's fancy woman: Your lord stops you; and for your administration done him, so much against the fortitude of your sex, so far underneath your delicate and delicate rearing, and since you call'd me ace for such a long time, here is my hand. You will from this time be your lord's special lady. (V,I,322-327) This is kind of an exchanging love as he suspected he was infatuated with Olivia at the outset, in any case, he promptly changes his affection to Viola, as he beli eves he realizes her character well. With respect to Viola, she proclaims her affection for Orsino commonly, as though by saying that she would adore him on the off chance that she were a woman. When Orsino first sends Cesario to go about as a delivery person and send Orsino's affection to Olivia, Cesario declares: I'll give a valiant effort to charm your woman; [aside] yet, a barful difficulty! Whoe'er I charm, myself would be his significant other. (I,IV, 40-42) This shows Viola realizes what a troublesome circumstance that she is in, and that she may attempt to charm her out of cherishing Orsino, with the goal that she may have him for herself; aside from there is a slight, startling spot of destiny... After Cesario leaves from Olivia's, she proclaims: What is your parentage? Over my fortunes, yet my state is well; I am a man of his word. I'll be sworn thou workmanship. Thy tongue, thy face, thy appendages, and soul, do give thee five-crease blazon. Not very quick: delicate, deli cate! Except if the ace were the man. How now! Indeed, even so rapidly may one catch the plague? Methinks I feel this present youth's per-fections with an undetectable and unpretentious covertness to sneak in at mine eyes. All things considered, let it be. What ho, Malvolio! (I,V, 289-298) Olivia,

Hardk0re The Twinned Rise of East Campus and the Hacking Ethos (Guest Entry by Danny Ben-David 15)

Hardk0re The Twinned Rise of East Campus and the Hacking Ethos (Guest Entry by Danny Ben-David ’15) Danny Ben-David  â€™15 is a physics major, East Campus historian, and creator of the amazingly useful CourseRoad  (along with TeXcha,  a LaTeX-based CAPTCHA, and  the super PAC Why Not ZoidPAC?, of which he is  President and Grand Poobah and which preceded Stephen Colbert’s super PAC army). I met him on 4th West last semester while tooling on a 6.046 p-set. This is his final paper for STS.050 (The History of MIT), about the founding of MIT’s second dorm, East Campus, and the inauguration of the hacking culture that closely and inevitably followed. Back then EC consisted of only the Bemis section of the  east parallel (the west parallel  and  the other two thirds of the east parallel  were built later) and was called the ’93 Dormitory, the East Campus-Senior Haus water war involved kerosene, and things were in general much more hardk0re. East Campus in its original manifestation in 1924. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology goes to great lengths to advertise itself as a place not only of rigorous academics, but of multifaceted culture as well. In a given campus tour, time is split equally between covering the assorted classroom and research opportunities offered, and explaining the hundreds of clubs and student activities, along with dining and housing options. However, this was not always the case. In MIT’s early decades, the fledgling Institute lacked both space and capital to expand its underdeveloped social life. Several visionary administrators saw that the introduction of dormitories would allow for the undergraduate population to share their ideas and passions more quickly and effectively than before. The move to Cambridge allowed for the construction of the first dorms in 1916, followed by further dorm expansions in the 1920s and 30s. It was clear that the student body’s activities needed an engineering angle to them, and so the dorms were built with the residents’ passions in mind. What those leaders could not have possibly foreseen was the rest of the student life equation: how, thanks to MIT’s flagship educational approach, the standard practical joking which permeated most college dorms would take on an entirely new level of technicalityâ€"the rise of the first hackers. As eloquently described by the Story Jack in MIT’s homegrown musical Hack, Punt, Tool, “hackers are anonymous technological pranksters, engineers inspired to intervene with the everyday monotony.” Their culture, mystified over generations of institutional memory, has become an inseparable part of the MIT identityâ€"and the roots of these traditions can be traced back to the early student life of MIT’s dormitories. In particular, the modern dormitory of East Campus began its life under a different name, the ’93 Dormitory, opening for business in 1924; its introduction to and influence on campus life allowed a critical mass of students to take on their projects and jumpstart the proud tradition of MIT hacking culture. The Institute’s need for dormitories was evident well before the Cambridge campus’ construction. At the turn of the century, a still-young-but-growing MIT looked at its student life and found it lacking. Here, the greatest young minds were being brought under the single ideological roof of MIT, and yet their interactions were restricted to the academic and professional. The students were trained and skilledâ€"certainly living up to the Mens et Manus mottoâ€"but the element of camaraderie was noticeably absent from the campus atmosphere. In the 1901 President’s Report, President Pritchett discusses work on completing the new gymnasium on Boylston Street, the Walker Memorial Building. Pritchett writes: [Walker] as it is planned contemplates not simply a gymnasium, not simply a building for physical culture, […] but it is to afford as well a place which shall be the social center of student life. No need is more urgently felt amongst the students of the Institute than that of closer contact with each other and with men from outside. The very fact that students do not live in dormitories, but in isolated houses, gives less opportunity to cultivate the social side. Pritchett saw clearly that by having communal spaces and co-located housing, students would end up interacting, an activity which would no longer seem as foreign as it did at the time. The gym was completed shortly thereafter, but the question of dormitories remained. The problems were twofold: money was tight and Boston was crowded. MIT lacked the space and cash flow to move its students into a single living space adjacent to the Boston campus; trying to solve this problem, the Institute even considered constructing dormitories on a site in Brookline, “for the purpose of bringing men together on a democratic plan.” Finally, as plans solidified to relocate across the river, it became clear that centralized student living spaces would finally have room to exist, and wholesome residence-based culture would begin to root itself after the move to Cambridge. President Maclaurin, like Pritchett before him, was excited about the upcoming dormitories, referring to their absence on the soon-to-be-former campus as “one of the most serious defects of the Institute.” The Faculty Houses (now referred to as Senior House, collectively) opened with the new campus, featuring accommodations for 170 students across four houses, with the outer two houses offered to fraternities for residency. For a while, this worked well to alleviate the housing pressures; however, a new campus meant more space to spread out, and the Faculty Houses lacked the capacity to match the expansion in undergraduate enrollment. The renewed cries for additional living spaces began soon after. Despite an intense desire to get dorm construction underway, the financial burden remained: word was passed down from the MIT Treasurer stating that the Institute simply could not cover the cost of the dorm on its own. In the 1920 President’s Report, Dean Alfred Burton fiercely advocates for the cause, including an argument based on the still-fresh memories of fighting a global influenza epidemic the prior year: “A great many of our students are this year living under conditions which are not conducive to either health or study.” Faculty and alumni alike met and determined that they did want these dormitories, but funding sources were simply not there. From where could this capital arise? The source arrived on MIT’s campus, at the 30th reunion party for the Class of 1893. The Class of ’93 had a nickname: “The Millionaire Class,” due to the existence of at least half-a-dozen millionaires among their ranks. After some discussion, the class approached President Stratton of fering $100,000 ($1.4 million, adjusting for inflation) if groundbreaking began on the new dormitories by September of that year. The reunion coincided with the graduation of the class of 1923, and so by the time students returned for classes in late September, work on the Class of 1893 Dormitory was well underway. Bosworth’s sketch of a typical ’93 dorm room. At most institutions, campus construction would be mentioned in the school publications, but most likely while describing the future purpose of the facilities, and not much beyond that. At MIT, the campus newspaper The Tech and the alumni magazine The Technology Review each went to great lengths to describe the upcoming dormitories in excruciating detail. Seeing how “most Tech students desire single rooms, the new dormitory has a great preponderance of single rooms,” writes Technology Reviewâ€"a heartening display of the Institute taking student opinion and preference into account for its decision-making. The radiator is described not only as a temperature-control device, but as a multi-faceted tool at the disposal of the resident: “it heats the room, dries the towels, and humidifies the air. (The character of the humidification, depending as it does so much upon the personal equation of the occupant of the room, is not guaranteed in advance by the engineers.)” Further realiz ing the technology-laden nature of the student body, the decision is made to outfit each room with an outlet to a telephone line, a highly unusual move. Finally, there is much discussion on the reliability of the novel approach taken for the construction of the exterior walls: a steel and wooden frame was erected with concrete poured around it, and the article goes to many lengths to assure its readers that rot and conflagration are not a concern added by leaving the wood in the walls. Few institutions would even bother to share these minutiae with a larger audience not explicitly focused on architectural procedures; at MIT, the discussion is given prime real estate in the media. The dorm was constructed in record time, and opened to students in the summer of 1924. It held eighty men, and had a less permanent building material in its north and south walls, to allow for expansion of the dorm. Today, this dorm is the Bemis house of building 64 in East Campus; at the time, it stood alone as a marvel of engineering. Increased housing space helped bring more students onto campus and the funding’s origination from a class gift began a flurry of donations from other alumni classes to expand the dorm project on the campus. MIT’s “serious defect” was finally being patched. Imagine, for a moment, life in the dorm’s early years. Campus was arranged to neatly divide activities on a north-south line, with work to the west and play to the east. After classes, you could head back to your room to change, then head downstairs and outside to the track fields and tennis courts below. Hunger could be abated in Walker, just south of your dorm. Walker was where you ate all of your meals and attended the weekly Tech smokers, which were social gatherings of your peers (from both inside and outside the dormitories) accompanied with short skits and sketches. Clubs began to pop up, given the increased time more students were spending on campus. And yet, some dormitory souls found alternative outlets for their pent-up creativity. Dorm pranks and mischief have been traditional across American universities at least dating back into the late eighteenth century. One hundred and twenty years late to the art form, MIT set to work on making up for lost time. Even before the ’93 dorm’s construction, campus was seen as a bit of a playground: one particular Tech article documents the incredible climbing exploits of an unnamed senior, who scaled the side of Runkle (part of Senior House) while wearing his suit and who traversed the Great Dome while pursued by a band of janitors, armed with their mops and brooms. The addition of the ’93 dorm, however, tipped the scales from the occasional story to an actual movement. Perusing the archives of The Tech shows little is heard from the ’93 dorm immediately following its opening: summer turned to autumn, and autumn to winter, all without anything newsworthy from the fledgling dorm. And then, on a cold night in December of 1924, just a few months after the first students moved in, one resident helped define East Campus culture from there onwards. Occupants of the new dormitory had their studies rudely interrupted one night last week when a gas attack of nearly the size and strength of those used in the war was turned on the men in the three upper floors. Some practical joker, possibly affected by the strain of examinations, flooded one of the rooms on the third floor with the pungent fumes of hydrogen sulphide. A new dormitory is an infrequent occurrenceâ€"the most recent instance was the reopening of Maseeh Hall (formerly Ashdown House) in the fall of 2011. When such an opening does take place, the residents are presented with a marvelous opportunity to choose and set the tone and feel of the living space, and the occupants of the ’93 dormitory chose to instill a sense of mischievousness early on. A key component of hacking tradition (continuing to this day) is the existence of an entity which can take credit for technological feats around campus, without revealing the true identities of anyone involved. Today’s legends of Jack Florey and James E. Tetazoo trace their own origins back to the 1960sâ€"but in the 1920s, credit was given to the Dorm Goblin, who acted as a useful scapegoat-meets-figurehead for the vaguely illicit pranks. The Tech first mentioned the Dorm Goblin in February of 1925, describing the curious incident of a ’93 dorm resident who returned to his room and found that the front door had disappeared. The masking of the perpetrators’ identities behind the growing reputation of the Dorm Goblin made the campus safer for the proto-hackers, and modern hacking culture maintains this discretionary attitude to this day. Goblins move the Ford car into the ’93 basement. The first few years of the ’93 dormitory and East Campus as a whole set an impressive number of precedents for future culture which has survived or been revived over the decades. June of 1925 saw the nighttime installation of an illuminated sign reading “SUFFOLK COUNTRY JAIL” on the roof of the ’93 dormâ€"quite possibly the first recorded hack by modern definitions. This came swiftly after a large and somewhat disastrous water war among the floors of the dorm, “with the result that many of the rooms were flooded with several inches of water.” The reaction was mixed, even within the pages of The Tech: the op-ed wrote of how men “that have no control of their tendencies for child-play have no place in common living quarters,” while just below The Lounger, an anonymous column, praised the ingenuity of their jail sign prank and began to dream of what could be next: “There seems to be no limit to their aspirations. The Lounger would not be surprised to find the gilt from the State House Dome transferred some night to the big dome of Building 10.” This appears to be the first mention of any kind of dome modification, but it seems highly unlikely that the concept of dome hacks was first imagined by the Tech editorial staff; instead, it suggests that the idea was out there, to be revisited at a later date. All these prior events, however, merely act as suggestion of hacking culture, perhaps pulling in a few of the elements which might be reflected today. It was in the early months of 1926 that the ’93 dormitories set their work apart as the true origins of hacking. On the morning of January 12th, Mac, the dorm’s superintendent, called in a bizarre sight: a Ford touring car had managed to relocate itself from its usual home on Ames Street into the basement of ’93. The Dorm Goblin was quick to take credit for this impressive feat of engineering: officials and students alike were left wondering how the vehicle had managed to find its way to its subterranean hideaway “without a scratch on it, while in getting it out, Major Smith’s [twelve] henchmen […] otherwise slightly damaged the car.” The Goblin was not to be a one-hit wonder, either: on March 3, a chassis of a similar Ford car found itself hauled up the side of the dorm, peering over the edge of the roof in its photograp hs. These were no mere dorm pranks, anymore. In the words of editors at The Tech: That phantom miracle worker’s skill has increased immensely as he gains experience and the wisdom that comes of advancing years and association with some of America’s best engineering minds. He, who began by removing doors, paddling obnoxious freshmen, laying barrages of tear gas, and erecting signs upon the dormitory roof, has grown up and now takes interest in more serious feats of engineering. The Dorm Goblin would go on to other great worksâ€"including hijacking the dorm’s novel telephone setup to broadcast radio throughout the dormitory, which ensured that those phones’ installation was a good idea in the first placeâ€"and eventually the Goblin would fade away, but the impressive recreational work it brought forth would remain in the institutional memory for decades to come. What had started as an Institute craving a culture had developed into a plan to concentrate the best upcoming minds in science and engineering within the walls of a dormitory. This great experiment led to the usual boom in student life, but its side effects were anything but predictable. That final imagery of the car on the roof foreshadows so much of the culture which was to spring from these creative types of the new dormitories. Sixty-eight years later, in May of 1994, the campus’s attention was once again drawn to the presence of a car on a  roof, this time in the form of a police car parked on the top of the Great Dome. These two events are crucially linked, as the Class of 1893 Dormitory served proudly as the primordial grounds for MIT’s famous modern hacking culture. At left, a Ford chassis on the roof of the ’93 dorm in March 1926. At right, the outer body of a Chevy Cavalier painted like a campus police cruiser, on top of the Great Dome sixty-eight years later in May 1994. Sources If you’re curious about what MIT looked like a century ago or if you want to read more about the inductions of our cherished traditions, you should poke around the sources Danny used for his paper, many of which are linked above. Most are online; if you’re on campus the rest can be found in the MIT Libraries. Articles from The Tech: “Faculty and Alumni Strong for New Dorms” (March 28, 1923): part 1 and part 2 “Millionaire Class Donates Dormitory” (September 28, 1923): part 1 and part 2 “Dormitory Senior Scales Runkle’s Six Story Wall in Human Fly Style” (March 26, 1923) “Gas Attack Loosed on Men in New Dormitories” (December 23, 1924) “Lost Door Mystery is Laid to Dorm Goblin” (February 2, 1925) “Dorms Transformed Into Suffolk County Jail” (June 3, 1925) “Must Stop Riot in the ’93 Dorms” (June 3, 1925) “The Indecorous Dormitories” (June 3, 1925) “The Lounger” (June 3, 1925) “The Dorm Goblin Returns to Hide Car in Basement” (January 13, 1926) “The Lounger” (January 15, 1926) “Goblin Performs Engineering Feat On Second Visit” (March 5, 1926) “I Am Thy Father’s Spirit Doomed to Walk the Corridors of ’93” (January 18, 1926) “Students Engage in Battle over Blazing Wrecks” (May 21, 1928) Included images: The photograph of the  â€™93 dorm is from the  March 31, 1924, issue of The Tech. The ’93 dorm room sketch is from “The Plans and Progress of the New Dormitories” by H. W. Brown in November 1923’s issue of The Technology Review, pages 13-16. The photographic evidence of goblins moving a Ford car into the ’93 basement is from page 334 of the 1926 Technique. The photograph of the Ford chasis parked precipitously on the edge of the ’93 roof are on page 334 of the 1927 Technique. There are more  on page 44 of T.F. Petersons 2011 Nightwork: A History of Hacks and Pranks at MIT. The photograph of the campus police car on the Great Dome is from the IHTFP Hack Gallery, which has many more photos and documentation of this and other hacks. Other sources: “That Was College Life!” by Morris Bishop, in the September 16, 1933, issue of The New Yorker. The Annual Report of the President and Treasurer by Henry Pritchett in 1901 and 1905, by Richard Maclaurin in 1914, and by Alfred Burton in 1920. Maclaurin’s January 21, 1916 letter to Delegates of Fraternity Chapters at Technology, which can be found in the MIT Libraries’ Institute Archives and Special Collections. A map of the 1924 campus layout can be found in “Grounds and Buildings of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, July 1924,” also in the Institute Archives and Special Collections. Finally, the screenplay of the MIT Musical Theatre Guild’s Hack, Punt, Tool, which you can watch below.

Ethics Is The Application Of Ethics - 934 Words

B.R. Ambedkars’ (1891-1956) quote seems as true today as when written many years ago. My research revealed an overwhelming number of ethical dilemmas, theories, and solutions. With such diverse information, and vast disparities, one might wonder, as did I, how to effectively create a safety-first culture that also embraces ethical integrity. By putting my thoughts, notes, and article reviews into an essay format, I will attempt to clear the muddied waters relating to ethical dilemmas, behaviors, and environments as they relate to not only companies, but also the role of safety and health professionals (Goetsch, 2015). Is there such a thing as â€Å"ethical competence?† (Pohling, 2016) To begin, a definition of ethics is needed, thereby creating a baseline by which to measure ethical dilemmas and behaviors. My textbook defines it this way: â€Å"Ethics is the application of morality with a context established by cultural and professional values, social norms, an d accepted standards of behavior.† (Goestsch, 2015) Another source claims this elusive definition is virtually non-existent at best; â€Å"inconsistent, incoherent and atheoretical† to be exact (Pohling, 2016). This leads me to question and define â€Å"ethical competence† (Pohling, 2016). One might say that ethical versus unethical decisions are the difference between â€Å"legal and illegal, moral and immoral, and acceptable or unacceptable decisions to the larger community† (Pohling, 2016). Based on the fact that what isShow MoreRelatedThe Proper Application Of Ethics Essay1443 Words   |  6 PagesThe proper application of ethics in a field with such an overwhelming technical and physical aspect to it as engineering is very difficult. 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According to the National Society of Professional Engineers (NSPE) heritage, people in the early 1900s employer’s didn’t require certification from an employee to be hired as an engineer, who caused lots of problems and deaths due to safety issues [1]. In comparison to today’s standards that is blasphemy. It was only 100 years ago that each state started requiring

The Article Why Students Hate School Lunch By Kate Murphy

Every weekday in America millions of kids and teens line up in their schools to buy a lunch. Many of those students buying lunch typically do not even enjoy what they are given. The article â€Å"Why Students Hate School Lunch† by Kate Murphy argues about why students are wasting much if their meals due to recent health changes whereas the article â€Å"Why Some Schools Are Saying ‘No Thanks’ to the School-Lunch Program† by Alexandra Sifferlin argues on why schools are dropping the new health programs because students are wasting food or not buying at all. Looking at both articles they both question and argue why schools and students are not satisfied with the Healthy Hunger-Free Act of 2012. This act is causing students to not eat school lunches and money to be wasted. Both articles argue against the Healthy Hunger-Free Kids Act but the difference between the two articles explain is that one argues a student’s opinion versus the other that explains the economic effect it takes on schools. In Murphy’s article she argues how students are not satisfied with these changes over the past few years. She argues how students are wasting their food and money due to the Health, Hunger Free Act. â€Å"Food and nutrition directors at school districts nationwide say that their trash cans are overflowing while their cash register receipts are diminishing as children either toss out the healthier meals or opt to brown-bag it.†( Murphy, She argues how this act causes students waste most of their lunchesShow MoreRelatedManagement Course: Mba−10 General Management215330 Words   |  862 PagesMBA−10 General Management California College for Health Sciences MBA Program McGraw-Hill/Irwin abc McGraw−Hill Primis ISBN: 0−390−58539−4 Text: Effective Behavior in Organizations, Seventh Edition Cohen Harvard Business Review Finance Articles The Power of Management Capital Feigenbaum−Feigenbaum International Management, Sixth Edition Hodgetts−Luthans−Doh Contemporary Management, Fourth Edition Jones−George Driving Shareholder Value Morin−Jarrell Leadership, Fifth Edition Hughes−Ginnett−CurphyRead MoreDeveloping Management Skills404131 Words   |  1617 Pages xvi CONTENTS P R E FA C E What’s New in This Edition? Based on suggestions from reviewers, instructors, and students we have made a number of changes in the eighth edition of Developing Management Skills. †¢ Added new skill assessments in Chapter 1 and a new case in Chapter 3. †¢ Revised parts of the book to reflect suggestions and feedback from instructors and students. †¢ Clarified instructions for scoring skill assessments and updated the comparison data for each assessment. †¢ UpdatedRead MoreStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. Judge (2011) Organizational Behaviour 15th Edition New Jersey: Prentice Hall393164 Words   |  1573 PagesCharacteristics Model 263 Ethical Dilemma Spitting Mad 264 Case Incident 1 Multitasking: A Good Use of Your Time? 264 Case Incident 2 Bonuses Can Backfire 265 3 9 The Group Foundations of Group Behavior 271 Defining and Classifying Groups 272 Why Do People Form Groups? 272 Stages of Group Development 274 The Five-Stage Model 275 †¢ An Alternative Model for Temporary Groups with Deadlines 276 Group Properties: Roles, Norms, Status, Size, Cohesiveness, and Diversity 277 Group Property 1: RolesRead MoreFundamentals of Hrm263904 Words   |  1056 PagesThis online teaching and learning environment integrates the entire digital textbook with the most effective instructor and student resources With WileyPLUS: Students achieve concept mastery in a rich, structured environment that’s available 24/7 Instructors personalize and manage their course more effectively with assessment, assignments, grade tracking, and more manage time better study smarter save money From multiple study paths, to self-assessment, to a wealth of interactive visualRead MoreHuman Resources Management150900 Words   |  604 Pagesthe seven major categories of HR activities. Identify the three different roles of HR management. Discuss the three dimensions associated with HR management as a strategic business contributor. Explain why HR professionals and operating managers must view HR management as an interface. Discuss why ethical issues and professionalism affect HR management as a career field. ââ€"  ââ€"  ââ€"  ââ€"  ââ€"  3 HR TRANSITIONS HR Management Contributes to Organizational Success More effective managementRead MoreExploring Corporate Strategy - Case164366 Words   |  658 Pagessuch strategic analysis so as to allow the time required to analyse the main issues for which the case has been chosen. Where the text and cases are being used as the framework for a strategy programme (as we hope they will), it is essential that students are required to undertake additional reading from other sources and that their ‘practical’ work is supplemented by other material as mentioned above. ââ€"  ââ€"  ECS8C_C01.qxd 22/10/2007 11:54 Page 600 600 Guide to the main focus

Consider how Emily Bront introduces the reader to the themes of enclosure and the supernatural Free Essays

Wuthering Heights is a novel which criticisers the idea of enclosure in pre 19th century books and life. It was published in December 1847, but only 250 copies were published. It centres on pivotal characters, which Emily Brontà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ heavily describes. We will write a custom essay sample on Consider how Emily Bront introduces the reader to the themes of enclosure and the supernatural or any similar topic only for you Order Now People who read the book from the contemporary audience would have been shocked from the language and all the swearing, they thought it was a depressing and morose novel. Emily Brontà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ was born in Thornton, Yorkshire, in the north of England; similarly the book is set in the north of Yorkshire, in the moors. This amplifies the idea enclosure already as it is a hard to reach place, and the place where it is set, is remote to every where else! Emily had a rough life because she lived in a small stone cottage on the 2nd floor with three bedrooms, no bigger than a small closet. She died of Tuberculosis in late 1848. She caught a cold at her brother, Branwell’s, funeral in September. Her novel â€Å"Wuthering Heights† reflects on her life, as she lived a rough life living in a small house with two sisters in the moors. Moving on the opening of this prestigious novel opens with a specific date, 1801. This specific date â€Å"1801† is a similar to a diary so it would make the reader feel more intimately enclosed with Emily Brontà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½; plus the use of her heavy vocabulary and description makes me feel quite involved with the book and it’s characters, yet it cleverly ties you into her grasp so you feel you have to carry on reading. But as this is a diary type opening the person, in this case the narrator: Lockwood, will inevitably express his feelings, which is indeed what he does so there is a sense of biased in his views and opinions. Lockwood seems to be a pleasant man who thinks himself to be in the same league as Heathcliff, yet he is much more polite and affectionate and can show his emotions more freely than Heathcliff. Yet as we enter this heavily described book he is the narrator and is quite provoked by Heathcliff, in the sense that he is a role model towards him. The opening of the book is set in a remote place with a garish house, quite distressed and characterised, especially with gothic creatures. Lock mentions â€Å"1500† this was over the door of the house with the name â€Å"Hareton Earnshaw†, so the story the is written in a 1st person narration. Also the fact that Heathcliff expresses the words â€Å"go to the Deuce† is quite atrocious and not appealing. This would immediately astonish the contemporary audience as witchcraft and mentioning the Devil was quite blasphemous and profound; this may have triggered a slight distaste towards the dreadful keeper of this dreadful house. Lockwood also asks himself questions like â€Å"Why did I think of Linton?† on page 17, this leads on to impression of enclosure like â€Å"Situation so completely removed from the stir of society† and â€Å"Misanthropists heaven†, this means someone who hates society and everyone else. This is ideal for an misanthropist because no one else is around and the nearest house is about 2 miles away. Another sense of a misanthropist is when Heathcliff says â€Å"Walk in† and when the dogs attack Lockwood because they are not use to anyone else. Nobody helps Lockwood when he shouts accept for Zillah, this is because women were cheap labour and disrespected back then. This leads to a description of Wuthering Heights it shows an influence of a gothic novel because of the different features like â€Å"quantity of grotesque carving lavished over the front†, this is on page 2 and he says there is â€Å"Crumberling griffins and shameless little boys† over the door, so the book reinforces the idea of supernatural. When it says â€Å"dark skinned gypsy† people thought they were into aroused suspicion. Another part of the supernatural is when Lockwood says â€Å"The storm subsided magically†. The language reinforces the supernatural. By this time the reader feels that Lockwood has made an effort to be polite but all his efforts were thrown back in his face by Heathcliffs rudeness. â€Å"The walk in was littered with closed teeth, and expressed in the sentiment.† This novel shows that the life she led she was very, powerfully influenced by enclosure and that she was very enclosed being a women, as men were more dominant and allowed to vote, whereas women were still treated as the lower powered sex! Also in those times women weren’t allowed to write and publish books, so with this in mind, how did Emily Bronte’s book become so famous? If women weren’t allowed to write books, how did Emily Bronte’s book, and her sisters’ for that matter, get published in what used to be a powerfully, male dominated world? It seems to me that Emily Bronte was very influenced by enclosure in her life and that she is tired of the way women are exploited in the world. This is where the ideas of women, and supernatural mix â€Å"a lusty dame, with tucked-up gown, bare arms and fire-flushed cheeks, rushed into the midst of us flourishing a frying-pan: and used that weapon, and her tongue, to such a purpose, that the storm subsided magically.† In addition there are further, reinforced ideas of the supernatural in the mind of the reader as; there is an incident, after Lockwood has entered the house, and is waiting to talk to Heathcliff. He is seated anxiously waiting with Heathcliff’s dogs, which are â€Å"haunting the recesses†. This shows that the dogs are more powerful or seem to be more powerfully personified, and it gives the idea that the dogs are ghosts and dark spirited, especially the use of the word â€Å"haunted†, as it implies bringing displeasure to someone or something, and maybe not welcoming anything. At the end of the chapter, the reader would feel different towards Lockwood as they would have done at the beginning. At the beginning Lockwood seems more provoked as he thinks himself to be in the same league as Heathcliff, towards the end he is shown to be quite different from Heathcliff; further more we would feel sympathetic towards him as he was callously attacked by Heathcliffs’ dogs. Having been annoyed by this racket, Heathcliff is angry and unsympathetic towards him. Moving on, Emily Brontà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ builds up the idea of the supernatural and enclosure, through a number of ways. Firstly we see Lockwood, anonymously, returning to Wuthering Heights, to have, yet another meeting with Heathcliff. â€Å"Yesterday afternoon set in misty and cold. I had half a mind to spend by my study fire, instead if wading through heath and mud to Wuthering Heights.† This shows that Lockwood is optimistic to still show Heathcliff he can be a nicer person than normal. Furthermore, after re entering Wuthering Heights, Lockwood is bombarded by displeasure and hints of hatred, towards him, as Heathcliff does not want a repeat of what happened before, â€Å"You should not have come out.† This would make the audience feel slight sympathy towards Lockwood, but as he unconventionally turned up, it was not wrong for Heathcliff and the others to feel this way. How to cite Consider how Emily Bront introduces the reader to the themes of enclosure and the supernatural, Papers

Medical Sociology free essay sample

For him, sociology was the science of institutions, its aim being to discover structural social facts: A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or not, capable of exercising on the individual an external constraint; or again, every way of acting which is general throughout a given society, while at the same time existing in its own right independent of its individual manifestations. [3] Durkheim acknowledged the limitations of sociology, noting the necessity in social science to form theoretical concepts in the abstract: Science cannot describe individuals, but only types. If human societies cannot be classified, they must remain inaccessible to scientific description. [4] Durkheim was a major proponent of structural functionalism, a foundational perspective in both sociology and anthropology. [5][6] He remained a dominant force in French intellectual life until his death in 1917, presenting numerous lectures and published works on a variety of topics, including social stratification, religion, law, education, and deviance. We will write a custom essay sample on Medical Sociology or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Marcel Mauss, a notable social anthropologist of the pre-war era, was his nephew. Durkheimian terms such as collective conscience have since entered the popular discourse. 7] Contents [hide] †¢1 Biography o1. 1 Childhood and education o1. 2 Academic career †¢2 Theories and ideas o2. 1 Theoretical foundations of sociology o2. 2 Social facts o2. 3 Method and objectivity †¢3 Sociological studies o3. 1 Education o3. 2 Crime o3. 3 Law o3. 4 Suicide o3. 5 Religion †¢4 See also †¢5 Selected works †¢6 References †¢7 Further reading †¢8 External links [edit] Biography [edit] Childhood and education Durkheim was born in Epinal in Lorraine, coming from a long line of devout French Jews; his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather had been rabbis. 8] At an early age, he decided not to follow in his familys rabbinical footsteps. [8] Durkheim himself would lead a completely secular life. Much of his work was dedicated to demonstrating that religious phen omena stemmed from social rather than divine factors. While Durkheim chose not to follow in the family tradition, he did not sever ties with his family or with the Jewish community. [8] Many of his most prominent collaborators and students were Jewish, and some were blood relations. The exact influence of Jewish thought on Durkheims work remains uncertain; some scholars have argued that Durkheims thought is a form of secularized Jewish thought,[9][10] while others argue that proving the existence of a direct influence of Jewish thought on Durkheims achievements is difficult or impossible. [11] A precocious student, Durkheim entered the Ecole Normale Superieure (ENS) in 1879. [12] The entering class that year was one of the most brilliant of the nineteenth century and many of his classmates, such as Jean Jaures and Henri Bergson would go on to become major figures in Frances intellectual history. At the ENS, Durkheim studied under the direction of Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, a classicist with a social scientific outlook, and wrote his Latin dissertation on Montesquieu. [13] At the same time, he read Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer. Thus Durkheim became interested in a scientific approach to society very early on in his career. This meant the first of many conflicts with the French academic system, which had no social science curriculum at the time. Durkheim found humanistic studies uninteresting, and he finished second to last in his graduating class when he aggregated in philosophy in 1882. There was no way that a man of Durkheims views could receive a major academic appointment in Paris. Thus in 1885 he decided to leave for Germany, where he studied sociology in Marburg, Berlin and Leipzig. As Durkheim indicated in several essays, it was in Leipzig that he learned to appreciate the value of empiricism and its language of concrete, complex things, in sharp contrast to the more abstract, clear and simple ideas of the Cartesian method. [14] [edit] Academic career A collection of Durkheims courses on the origins of socialism (1896), edited and published by his nephew, Marcel Mauss, in 1928. Durkheim traveled to Bordeaux in 1887, which had just started Frances first teachers training center. There he taught both pedagogy and sociology (the latter had never been taught in France before). [15] From this position Durkheim helped reform the French school system and introduced the study of social science in its curriculum. However, his controversial beliefs that religion and morality could be explained in terms purely of social interaction earned him many critics. The 1890s were a period of remarkable creative output for Durkheim. In 1892 he published The Division of Labour in Society, his doctoral dissertation and fundamental statement of the nature of human society and its development. [16] Durkheims interest in social phenomena was spurred on by politics. Frances defeat in the Franco-Prussian War led to the fall of the regime of Napoleon III, which was then replaced by the Third Republic. This in turn resulted in a backlash against the new secular and republican rule, as many people considered a vigorously nationalistic approach necessary to rejuvenate Frances fading power. Durkheim, a Jew and a staunch supporter of the Third Republic with a sympathy towards socialism, was thus in the political minority, a situation which galvanized him politically. The Dreyfus affair of 1894 only strengthened his activist stance. In 1895 he published Rules of the Sociological Method, a manifesto stating what sociology is and how it ought to be done, and founded the first European department of sociology at the University of Bordeaux. In 1898 he founded the journal LAnnee Sociologique to publish and publicize the work of what was, by then, a growing number of students and collaborators (this is also the name used to refer to the group of students who developed his sociological program). Durkheim was familiar with several foreign languages and reviewed academic papers in German, English, and Italian for the journal. In 1897, he published Suicide, a case study which provided an example of what the sociological monograph might look like. Durkheim was one of the founders in using quantitative methods in criminology during his suicide case study. By 1902 Durkheim had finally achieved his goal of attaining a prominent position in Paris when he became the chair of education at the Sorbonne. Because French universities are technically institutions for training secondary school teachers, this position gave Durkheim considerable influence — his lectures were the only ones that were mandatory for the entire student body. Despite what some considered, in the aftermath of the Dreyfus affair, to be a political appointment, Durkheim consolidated his institutional power by 1912 when he was permanently assigned the chair and renamed it the chair of education and sociology. It was also in this year that he published his last major work, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. The outbreak of World War I was to have a tragic effect on Durkheims life. His leftism was always patriotic rather than internationalist — he sought a secular, rational form of French life. But the coming of the war and the inevitable nationalist propaganda that followed made it difficult to sustain this already nuanced position. While Durkheim actively worked to support his country in the war, his reluctance to give in to simplistic nationalist fervor (combined with his Jewish background) made him a natural target of the now-ascendant French Right. Even more seriously, the generation of students that Durkheim had trained were now being drafted to serve in the army, and many of them perished in the trenches. Finally, Durkheims own son, Andre, died on the war front in December 1915 — a psychological blow from which Durkheim never recovered. Emotionally devastated and overworked, Durkheim collapsed of a stroke in Paris in 1917 and now lies buried at the Cimetiere du Montparnasse in Paris. [edit] Theories and ideas Sociology Portal Theory and History Positivism †¢ Antipositivism Functionalism †¢ Conflict theory Middle-range †¢ Formal theory Critical theory †¢ Socialization Structure and agency Research methods Quantitative †¢ Qualitative Computational †¢ Ethnographic Topics and Subfields cities †¢ class †¢ crime †¢ culture deviance †¢ demography †¢ education economy †¢ environment †¢ family gender †¢ health †¢ industry †¢ internet knowledge †¢ law †¢ medicine olitics †¢ mobility †¢ race ethnicity rationalization †¢ religion †¢ science secularization †¢ social networks social psychology †¢ stratification Categories and lists [show] v †¢ d †¢ e [edit] Theoretical foundations of sociology A funda mental influence on Durkheims thought was the sociological positivism of Auguste Comte, who effectively sought to extend and apply the scientific method found in the natural sciences to the social sciences. According to Comte, a true social science should stress for empirical facts, as well as induce general scientific laws from the relationship among these facts. There were many points on which Durkheim agreed with the positivist thesis. First, he accepted that the study of society was to be founded on an examination of facts. Second, like Comte, he acknowledged that the only valid guide to objective knowledge was the scientific method. Third, he agreed with Comte that the social sciences could become scientific only when they were stripped of their metaphysical abstractions and philosophical speculation. [17] A second influence on Durkheims view of society beyond Comtes positivism was the epistemological outlook called social realism. Although he never explicitly exposed it, Durkheim adopted a realist perspective in order to demonstrate the existence of social realities outside the individual and to show that these realities existed in the form of the objective relations of society. [18] As an epistemology of science, realism can be defined as a perspective which takes as its central point of departure the view that external social realities exist in the outer world and that these realities are independent of the individuals perception of them. This view opposes other predominant philosophical perspectives such as empiricism and positivism. Empiricists such as David Hume had argued that all realities in the outside world are products of human sense perception. According to empiricists, all realities are thus merely perceived: they do not exist independently of our perceptions, and have no causal power in themselves. [18] Comtes positivism went a step further by claiming that scientific laws could be deduced from empirical observations. Going beyond this, Durkheim claimed that sociology would not only discover apparent laws, but would be able to discover the inherent nature of society. Throughout his career, Durkheim was concerned primarily with how societies could maintain their integrity and coherence in the modern era, when things such as shared religious and ethnic background could no longer be assumed. To study social life in modern societies, he hence sought to create one of the first rigorous scientific approaches to social phenomena. Along with Herbert Spencer, he was one of the first people to explain the existence and quality of different parts of a society by reference to what function they served in maintaining the quotidian (i. e. y how they make society work), and is thus sometimes seen as a precursor to functionalism. Durkheim also insisted that society was more than the sum of its parts. Thus unlike his contemporaries Ferdinand Tonnies and Max Weber, he focused not on what motivates the actions of individuals (an approach associated with methodological individualism), but rather on the study of social facts. [edit] Social facts Main article: Social fact Durkheims work revolved around the study of social facts, a term he coined to describe phenomena that have an existence in and of themselves and are not bound to the actions of individuals. Durkheim argued that social facts have, sui generis, an independent existence greater and more objective than the actions of the individuals that compose society. Being exterior to the individual person, social facts may thus also exercise coercive power on the various people composing society, as it can sometimes be observed in the case of formal laws and regulations, but also in phenomena such as church practices or family norms. [19] Unlike the facts studied in natural sciences, a social fact thus refers to a specific category of phenomena: t consists of ways of acting, thinking, feeling, external to the individual and endowed with a power of coercion, by reason of which they control him. According to Durkheim, these phenomena cannot be reduced to biological or psychological grounds. [20] Hence even the most individualistic or subjective phenomena, such as suicide, would be regarded by Durkheim as an objective social facts. Individuals composing society do not directly cause suici de: suicide, as a social fact, exists independently in society, whether an individual person wants it or not. Whether a person leaves a society does not change anything to the fact that this society will still contain suicides. Sociologys task thus consists of discovering the qualities and characteristics of such social facts, which can be discovered through a quantitative or experimental approach (Durkheim extensively relied on statistics). [21] [edit] Method and objectivity In his Rules of the Sociological Method (1895), Durkheim expressed his will to establish a method that would guarantee sociologys truly scientific character. One of the questions raised by the author concerns the objectivity of the sociologist: how may one study an object that, from the very beginning, conditions and relates to the observer? According to Durkheim, observation must be as impartial and impersonal as possible, even though a perfectly objective observation in this sense may never be attained. A social fact must always be studied according to its relation with other social facts, never according to the individual who studies it. Sociology should therefore privilege comparison rather than the study of singular independent facts. 22] It has been noted, at times with disapproval and amazement by non-French social scientists, that Durkheim traveled little and that, like many French scholars and the notable British anthropologist Sir James Frazer, he never undertook any fieldwork. The vast information Durkheim studied on the aboriginal tribes of Australia and New Guinea and on the Inuit was all collected by other anthropologists, t ravelers, or missionaries. [23] This was not due to provincialism or lack of attention to the concrete. Durkheim did not intend to make venturesome and dogmatic generalizations while disregarding empirical observation. He did, however, maintain that concrete observation in remote parts of the world does not always lead to illuminating views on the past or even on the present. For him, facts had no intellectual meaning unless they were grouped into types and laws. He claimed repeatedly that it is from a construction erected on the inner nature of the real that knowledge of concrete reality is obtained, a knowledge not perceived by observation of the facts from the outside. He thus constructed concepts such as the sacred and totemism exactly in the same way that Karl Marx developed the concept of class. [23] [edit] Sociological studies [edit] Education This section does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2009) Durkheim was also interested in education. Partially this was because he was professionally employed to train teachers, and he used his ability to shape curriculum to further his own goals of having sociology taught as widely as possible. More broadly, though, Durkheim was interested in the way that education could be used to provide French citizens the sort of shared, secular background that would be necessary to prevent anomie in modern societies. It was to this end that he also proposed the formation of professional groups to serve as a source of solidarity for adults. Durkheim argued that education has many functions: 1. To reinforce social solidarity oHistory: Learning about individuals who have done good things for the many makes an individual feel insignificant. oPledging allegiance: Makes individuals feel part of a group and therefore less likely to break rules. 2. To maintain social role oSchool is a society in miniature. It has a similar hierarchy, rules, expectations to the outside world. It trains young people to fulfill roles. . To maintain division of labour. oSchool sorts students into skill groups, encouraging students to take up employment in fields best suited to their abilities. [edit] Crime Durkheims views on crime were a departure from conventional notions. He believed that crime is bound up with the fundamental conditions of all social life and serves a social function. He stated that crime implies, not on ly that the way remains open to necessary change, but that in certain cases it directly proposes these changes crime [can thus be] a useful prelude to reforms. In this sense he saw crime as being able to release certain social tensions and so have a cleansing or purging effect in society. He further stated that the authority which the moral conscience enjoys must not be excessive; otherwise, no-one would dare to criticize it, and it would too easily congeal into an immutable form. To make progress, individual originality must be able to express itself [even] the originality of the criminal shall also be possible (Durkheim, 1895). [edit] Law Beyond the specific study of crime, criminal law and punishment, Durkheim was deeply interested in the study of law and its social effects in general. Among classical social theorists he is one of the founders of the field of sociology of law. In his early work he saw types of law, distinguished as repressive versus restitutive law (characterised by their sanctions), as a direct reflection of types of social solidarity. The study of law was therefore of interest to sociology for what it could reveal about the nature of solidarity. Later, however, he emphasised the significance of law as a sociological field of study in its own right. In the later Durkheimian view, law (both civil and criminal) is an expression and guarantee of societys fundamental values. Durkheim emphasised the way that modern law increasingly expresses a form of moral individualism a value system that is, in his view, probably the only one universally appropriate to modern conditions of social solidarity. [24] Individualism, in this sense, is the basis of human rights and of the values of individual human dignity and individual autonomy. It is to be sharply distinguished from selfishness and egoism, which for Durkheim are not moral stances at all. Many of Durkheims closest followers, such as Marcel Mauss, Paul Fauconnet and Paul Huvelin also specialised in or contributed to the sociological study of law. edit] Suicide In Suicide (1897), Durkheim explores the differing suicide rates among Protestants and Catholics, arguing that stronger social control among Catholics results in lower suicide rates. According to Durkheim, Catholic society has normal levels of integration while Protestant society has low levels. There are at least two problems with this interpretation . First, Durkheim took most of his data from earlier researchers, notably Adolph Wagner and Henry Morselli,[25] who were much more careful in generalizing from their own data. Second, later researchers found that the Protestant-Catholic differences in suicide seemed to be limited to German-speaking Europe and thus may always have been the spurious reflection of other factors. [26] Despite its limitations, Durkheims work on suicide has influenced proponents of control theory, and is often mentioned as a classic sociological study. Durkheims study of suicide has been criticized as an example of the logical error termed the ecological fallacy. [27][28] Indeed, Durkheims conclusions about individual behaviour (e. g. suicide) are based on aggregate statistics (the suicide rate among Protestants and Catholics). This type of inference, explaining micro events in terms of macro properties, is often misleading, as is shown by examples of Simpsons paradox. [29] However, diverging views have contested whether Durkheims work really contained an ecological fallacy. Van Poppel and Day (1996) have advanced that differences in suicide rates between Catholics and Protestants were explicable entirely in terms of how deaths were categorized between the two social groups. For instance, while sudden deaths or deaths from ill-defined or unspecified cause would often be recorded as suicides among Protestants, this would not be the case for Catholics. Hence Durkheim would have committed an empirical rather than logical error. [30] Some, such as Inkeles (1959),[31] Johnson (1965)[32] and Gibbs (1968),[33] have claimed that Durkheims only intent was to explain suicide sociologically within a holistic perspective, emphasizing that he intended his theory to explain variation among social environments in the incidence of suicide, not the suicides of particular individuals. [34] More recent authors such as Berk (2006) have also questioned the micro-macro relations underlying Durkheims work. For instance, Berk notices that Durkheim speaks of a collective current that reflects the collective inclination flowing down the channels of social organization. The intensity of the current determines the volume of suicides ( ) Introducing psychological [i. e. individual] variables such as depression, [which could be seen as] an independent [non-social] cause of suicide, overlooks Durkheims conception that these variables are the ones most likely to be effected by the larger social forces and without these forces suicide may not occur within such individuals. [35] Durkheim stated that there are four types of suicide: Egoistic suicides are the result of a weakening of the bonds that normally integrate individuals into the collectivity: in other words a breakdown or decrease of social integration. Durkheim refers to this type of suicide as the result of excessive individuation, meaning that the individual becomes increasingly detached from other members of his community. Those indivi duals who were not sufficiently bound to social groups (and therefore well-defined values, traditions, norms, and goals) were left with little social support or guidance, and therefore tended to commit suicide on an increased basis. An example Durkheim discovered was that of unmarried people, particularly males, who, with less to bind and connect them to stable social norms and goals, committed suicide at higher rates than married people. [36] †¢Altruistic suicides occur in societies with high integration, where individual needs are seen as less important than the societys needs as a whole. They thus occur on the opposite integration scale as egoistic suicide. [36] As individual interest would not be considered important, Durkheim stated that in an altruistic society there would be little reason for people to commit suicide. He stated one exception, namely when the individual is expected to kill themselves on behalf of society – a primary example being the soldier in military service. †¢Anomic suicides are the product of moral deregulation and a lack of definition of legitimate aspirations through a restraining social ethic, which could impose meaning and order on the individual conscience. This is symptomatic of a failure of economic development and division of labour to produce Durkheims organic solidarity. People do not know where they fit in within their societies. Durkheim explains that this is a state of moral disorder where mans desires are limitless and, thus, his disappointments are infinite. †¢Fatalistic suicides occur in overly oppressive societies, causing people to prefer to die than to carry on living within their society. This is an extremely rare reason for people to take their own lives, but a good example would be within a prison; people prefer to die than live in a prison with constant abuse and excessive regulation that prohibits them from pursuing their desires. These four types of suicide are based on the degrees of imbalance of two social forces: social integration and moral regulation. [36] Durkheim noted the effects of various crises on social aggregates – war, for example, leading to an increase in altruism, economic boom or disaster contributing to anomie. [37] [edit] Religion This section does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2008) In classical sociology, the study of religion was primarily concerned with two broad issues: 1. How did religion contribute to the maintenance of social order? 2. What was the relationship between religion and capitalist society? These two issues were typically combined in the argument that industrial capitalism would undermine traditional religious commitment and thereby threaten the cohesion of society. More recently the subject has been narrowly defined as the study of religious institutions. In his article, The Origin Of Beliefs Emile Durkheim placed himself in the positivist tradition, meaning that he thought of his study of society as dispassionate and scientific. He was deeply interested in the problem of what held complex modern societies together. Religion, he argued, was an expression of social cohesion. His underlying interest was to understand the existence of religion in the absence of belief in any religions actual tenets. Durkheim saw totemism as the most basic form of religion. It is in this belief system that the fundamental separation between the sacred and the profane is most clear. All other religions, he said, are outgrowths of this distinction, adding to it myths, images, and traditions. The totemic animal, Durkheim believed, was the expression of the sacred and the original focus of religious activity because it was the emblem for a social group, the clan. Religion is thus an inevitable, just as society is inevitable when individuals live together as a group. Durkheim presented five elementary forms of religious life (The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life; Conclusion) to be found in all religions, from the more primitive to Judeo/Christian/Moslem. These are: 1. Sacred/Profane division of the world; 2. Belief in souls,spirits, mythical personalities 3. Belief in divinity, either local or multi-local 4. a negative or ascetic cult within the religion 5. Rites of oblation, communion, imitation, commemoration or expiation. He argued that these five forms were communal experiences, thereby distinguishing religion from magic. Durkheim thought that the model for relationships between people and the supernatural was the relationship between individuals and the community. He is famous for suggesting that God is society, writ large. Durkheim believed that people ordered the physical world, the supernatural world, and the social world according to similar principles. Durkheim’s first purpose was to identify the social origin of religion as he felt that religion was a source of camaraderie and solidarity. It was the individual’s way of becoming recognizable within an established society. His second purpose was to identify links between certain religions in different cultures, finding a common denominator. Belief in supernatural realms and occurrences may not stem through all religions, yet there is a clear division in different aspects of life, certain behaviours and physical things. In the past, he argued, religion had been the cement of society—the means by which men had been led to turn from the everyday concerns in which they were variously enmeshed to a common devotion to sacred things. His definition of religion, favoured by anthropologists of religion today, was, A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, i. e. , things set apart and forbiddenbeliefs and practices which unite in one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them.